Why is NSCN-IM upping the ante on Manipur, 2015 Framework Agreement on Naga political solution
New Delhi: Nine years after it first signed a “framework agreement” with the Indian government to resolve the Naga political issue, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IM) has been turning up the heat on the Centre, one statement at a time.
Last week, in a statement seen by ThePrint, Q. Tuccu, chairman of NSCN-IM, which signed a ceasefire with the Indian government in 1997, accused the Centre of “deviating” from its stand and interpreting the 2015 agreement according to its own “interest and convenience”.
“This agreement bears immense political value as it was done in a manner to correct or rectify past mistakes. Unfortunately, the Government of India’s stand is getting more unsteady with the passage of time, desperate to interpret the framework agreement according to their interest and convenience. This has become the crux of the issue and the reason for the inordinate delay in the implementation of the agreement as agreed upon,” Tuccu said in the statement issued on 3 August as the framework agreement entered its 10th year.
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It attributed the delay in the agreement’s implementation to the Centre’s increasingly “unsteady” position on the issue.
The statements once again spotlighted the long-unsettled Naga political issue — the peace process between the Indian government and various Naga rebel groups, including the NSCN-IM.
“Nine years down the lane, the waiting game never seems to end. However, notwithstanding this deviation from what has been agreed upon with the world as the witness, NSCN is still standing fast and refuses to be cowed down into submission…This demands that we must stand guard against any attempt to cause dilution or misinterpretation to undo the very meaning of Framework Agreement,” he said on 3 August, addressing a gathering at Camp Hebron, the group’s headquarters.
The NSCN-IM chairman also made it clear that the group was not going to budge from its demand for a separate flag and a constitution, saying these are “constituent parts of sovereignty” and that “there should be no ambiguity about it”.
Also Read: Naga peace talks: A dive into issues surrounding one of India’s oldest insurgencies
Raising Manipur issue
This comes at a time when the NSCN-IM has been recalibrating its position on other issues too. Shortly before Tuccu’s statement, the NSCN-IM waded into the discussion revolving around the ongoing ethnic conflict in Manipur by issuing a scathing statement on 22 July against Meitei supremacist group Arambai Tenggol, accusing it of “harassing and assaulting Christians” and attacking churches in the violence-torn state.
NSCN-IM’s statement assumed significance because the group maintained a studied silence as the conflict raged in Manipur for over a year and the Arambai Tenggol’s role in the violence came under the cloud of suspicion.
“Though we have maintained neutrality, we have been cautiously following the day-to-day development. Ironically, things are not going well as we have seen the disturbing trend towards the Christians with harassment and physical assault by the local militant group Arambai Tengol. It is an open secret who is behind the formation of Arambai Tengols.
“Violent extremism as followed by Arambai Tengol is a threat to peace and tolerance. It is therefore, natural that NSCN should take the stand to guard the interest and safety of the Christians in Manipur given the fact that Arambai Tengol bears strong animosity towards the Christians, both in spirit and actions,” the NSCN-IM said.
While the NSCN-IM trained its target on Arambai Tenggol, its own role in the Manipur conflict came under the scanner in May this year after the National Investigation Agency (NIA) reportedly filed a chargesheet in the Guwahati High Court alleging that the “China-Myanmar” module of the Naga rebel group helped infiltrate cadres from banned terror outfits Kanglei Yaol Kanba Lup (KYKL) and People’s Liberation Army of Manipur (PLAM) into Manipur to carry out attacks.
The NSCN-IM had rejected the allegation, dismissing it as the “propaganda war of the Indian government”.
Talks hit dead end
The group, founded by Thuingaleng Muivah and the late Isak Chishi Swu, seeks to establish Nagalim — a separate administration created by integrating all Naga-populated areas — under the principle of “shared sovereignty” with India.
The framework agreement, signed in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 3 August 2015, was hailed by the Centre as “historic”.
“This agreement will end the oldest insurgency in the country…The sustained dialogue between the two sides, conducted in a spirit of equality, respect and trust, deepened their mutual understanding and confidence, and enabled the two sides to reach an equitable agreement,” the Centre had said at the time.
But the NSCN-IM in August 2020 accused R.N. Ravi, the current governor of Tamil Nadu, who acted as the interlocutor in the talks, of sharing a “modified” version of the agreement with other Naga groups.
Far from reaching an “equitable agreement”, the talks appear to have hit a dead end, with the NSCN-IM adamant on its demand for a separate flag and a constitution, which the Centre has ruled out, especially after the abrogation of Article 370 that took away Jammu and Kashmir’s special status.
Speaking to ThePrint, two seasoned Northeast watchers said that the NSCN-IM, by projecting a hardline front, was trying to retain its influence among the Nagas as sections of the community turned against the former rebel group over its extortion and illegal taxation of traders in Nagaland over the years.
On 27 July, the Dimapur Ao Youth Organisation, in a statement, said such illegal actions had worsened the state’s economic situation. Dimapur, the state’s commercial capital, has also witnessed many protests by traders and civil society members against the actions of the NSCN-IM. On 6 August, a rally, called by the Angami Youth Organisation, on the issue saw thousands in attendance in Kohima.
“The aspirations of the Naga people are shifting. They may not necessarily support the NSCN-IM just because they endorse its demand for sovereignty and a political solution. The NSCN-IM has sensed that shift. They are trying to build their constituency not just in Nagaland but in Manipur’s Naga-populated areas as well. These recent statements also capture the fact that the NSCN-IM has recognised the fact that the Lok Sabha results were a reflection of the extent of the BJP-led Centre’s unpopularity among the Nagas due to its ideological agenda,” said a prominent political and security analyst of the region.
Speaking on the condition of anonymity, the analyst also attributed the NSCN-IM’s changing approach to the developments in Myanmar, with which Nagaland shares a border, where an armed rebellion is perilously close to dislodging the military junta from power. Senior journalist Subir Bhaumik, who has authored several books on the Northeast, said the NSCN-IM could have a multi-pronged objective behind its recent statements.
“Initially, they wanted to avoid wading into the clash between the Kukis and Meiteis given their bloody past with the Kukis. Now they want to send a message that ‘look we are in the same boat’. Primarily, they are trying to put pressure on the Centre as the framework agreement talks are stalled. It is a way of putting pressure on Manipur Chief Minister Biren Singh as well. And lastly, it’s a warning to the Arambai to refrain from stepping into areas populated by the Nagas,” Bhaumik said.
(Edited by Sanya Mathur)
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